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Opinion / Editorial

December 8, The student movement for democracy, but power from the former collaborators of the Security

December 8, The student movement for democracy, but power from the former

It has always been said and rightly so that ``on December 8, 1990, a group of students and lecturers of the University of Tirana, residents of the city "Studenti", became the initiators and protagonists of the great historical turning point: the peaceful protests that brought about the fall of communism and the birth of democracy. Their public act, both civic and political, peacefully ended the long era of self-isolation and ideological rule, paving the way for the market economy and open society. The protesting students of December '90 had high national aspirations and ideals, which remain the best school of democracy. With the phrase "We love Albania like all of Europe", they asked for the establishment of the system of Western values ??and the rule of law; integration in Europe and the guarantee of political pluralism as the main basis for a free and democratic society.``BUT... It is interesting that immediately after this event Ramiz Alia as the leader of the ALP who led the country for 45 consecutive years, to save the leaders too years of this Party and their collaborators, frightened by the macabre shooting of Ceausescu and his wife in Romania in 1989, and faced with the pressure of the democratic world and the demands of the OSCE to democratize the country, managed to achieve a transition not only gentle system change, but also successfully carried out a diabolical plan certainly oriented by Katovica's recommendations of handing over power, placing party people at the top, managed to create a fictitious Pluralism with 5 Parties, four of which he appointed their leaders who were either former insurance or insurance associates in different periods of time. These people Ramiz Alia selected of course after consultation with the rotten bureaucratic apparatus and state security. With this movement, Ramiz Alia especially after a meeting in September 1990 with ``important cadres and intellectuals'' (excluding honest cadres without a party, prisoners for agitation and propaganda, etc.) who claimed that they ``give their lives for ALP', neutralized the student movement of December '90. Practically, the Student movement was disorganized and failed with this blow, because it was thought that their demands would be met after the establishment of party pluralism and the democratic system. The fact is that none of the members of the student movement took part in the management of the three powers that created the democratic state in Albania, but all of them either left or remained ordinary people even to this day. The power was taken by the former communist leaders with the former collaborators of Sigurimi. Despite the forced change of the system from a bloodthirsty dictatorship to a western pseudo-democracy, the system change caused several major negative problems, the consequences of which still exist today, problems that were deliberately created by the creators of this western pseudo-democracy. in the poor Albania of that time;

-Emigrimin masiv për shkak të izolimit shumë vjeçar, nga ku në fillim ikën, shumë të varfër për jetesë e punë më të mirë, por edhe ish të dënuarit, ish spiunët, e ish-sigurimsat që kishin bërë dëme.

-Prishja e llahtarshme e 500 uzinave dhe Fabrikave të ndërtuara me mund në Shqipëri me pretekstin e çekut të bardhë??!!! Kjo e shkaktuar nga vetë ish drejtuesit e PPSH nëpërmjet linjës së disa drejtuesve të rinj të PD të sapo formuar por të lidhur me regjimin e kaluar, të cilët ose pa eksperiencë por më tepër duke ditur shkakun e ndryshimit brenda pak kohe të kalimit nga diktatura në demokraci, - zbatuan rekomandimet e Katovices për `kalimin nga sistemi socialist në atë kapitalist. Disa nga ato rekomandime kishin të bënin me zotërimin në sistemin kapitalist të pronave dhe fabrikave, dhe ekonomisë dhe financave nga ana e komunistëve dhe miqve të tyre, dhe së dyti për të diskretituar kapitalizmin në sytë e masave për të thënë se `kapitalizmi qenka më i keq se socializmi` njëlloj sikurse u deklaronte Diktatori në një nga plenumet famëkeqe se ..`sistemi kapitalist është i keq sepse shfrytëzoka masat?!”. Shkatërrimi që ndodhi në Shqipëri gjatë periudhës nga 8 dhjetori 1990 deri në fitoren e Partisë Demokratike në 22 Mars 1992, ishte pjesë e strategjisë dinake që ndoqi PPSH për të krijuar atë përshtypje në popull që …``kapitalizmi pra sistemi i demokracisë perëndimore është i keq por socializmi është më i mirë pavarësisht gabimeve???!!!

Shkatërrimi i vlerave në Shqipëri nuk ndodhi në ish-vendet e lindjes dhe të Evropës qendrore që bënin pjesë në ish-bllokun komunist, dhe kjo të përforcon dyshimin se këtu ishte dora e vetë drejtuesve konservatorë të PPSH, por edhe e vendeve fqinjë të cilat kishin interesave politike dhe ekonomike në Shqipëri. Rezultati? Shqipëria po kalon periudhën më të gjatë të tranzicionit politiko-social-ekonomik për tu bërë anëtare e denjë dhe e integruar në BE. Thënia metaforike në parlamentin shqiptar e njërit nga drejtuesit e PD se në Shqipëri janë …``1 milion spiunë``, tregon se shumica e spiunëve dhe bashkëpunëtorëve të ish sigurimit të shtetit kishin hyrë në të pesë partitë kryesore dhe mbanin poste drejtuese, madje deri në ditët e sotme së bashku me miqtë e tyre.

- Reforma në Drejtësi. Shqipëria me gjithë përpjekjet, sistemi i drejtësisë nuk është i barabartë për të gjithë. Disa ish drejtues të Shqipërisë i bëjnë karshillëk drejtësisë duke e sfiduar atë gjë që po lëkund edhe vetë rezultatet e reformës në drejtësi.

- Emigracioni vazhdon për kësaj radhe por nëse në fillimet e demokracisë, emigracioni ishte nga varfëria dhe nga ish-at që donin ti shmangeshin drejtësisë, sot emigracioni vazhdon me ritme më të ngadalta më tepër nga dëshira për pasurim të shpejtë (drogë, prostitucion), për shkollim cilësor, ose për siguri jetesë në shëndetësi ose për gjakmarrje, etj. Sidoqoftë ka dhe imigracion.

- Corruption, mainly in public and private tenders and projects, as well as bribery, are at high rates despite efforts to curb this phenomenon, which is happening due to the destruction of the professional chain, professionalism and meritocracy, and the establishment in their place of militants, non-professionals, and pseudo-intellectuals with paid degrees and the lack of categorization of salaries and in general the lack of reform of the public and private employee payment system in Albania with the aim of bringing the salary system closer to that of the EU .

- Insurance System. Albania is the most paradoxical country in relation to public or private insurance. Health Insurance remains scandalous, which is paid for by everyone, even pensioners, but when you need it, the Public Insurance Fund does not respond and is defective in providing it. Likewise for private health insurances that insure people up to 60 years old. Payments and interest are not deposited. Likewise for car insurances. No private Insurance does not deposit the insured's payments in the bank, but spends and uses them as it pleases, nor does it promote the most regular ones. In short, the People do not trust Insurance of any kind because in most cases they are fictitious. Despite the help and close cooperation with the great ally the USA and the efforts of the EU, Albania has moved forward but not as much as it should and here, even after 33 years, by two or three former political leaders who are challenging justice but also out of hand of former colleagues of the Security and their friends, connected of course with political circles not friendly towards Albania. This has hindered and is hindering Albania's EU membership, it has created constant discontent from very serious political conflicts also led by these individuals with dubious pasts, slowing down progress due to the corruption of yesterday's political class and of today and not properly implementing the law.