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Opinion / Editorial

When politics protects crime

When politics protects crime

The criminal murder of the police officer in Fier, Novruz Cenalia, appears to be a political murder. Whoever turns a gun on a man in a state uniform, he has targeted the state and the law. A policeman killed by crime means a policeman abused and humiliated by it. The one who defends the criminal is as dangerous as the murderer. However, it is alarming when certain MPs, political forces or social groups come out in defense of crime and criminals. Political murders in Albania by crime bosses have been used as a means of obtaining and maintaining power, solving political and economic crises in their interest, facing competition in corrupt and mafia ways, clearing political opponents who threatened their power and those who they reveal national treason or illegal assets. Political murders are constantly fueled by ordinary murders, such as settling accounts between economic mafia groups, for revenge and bloodshed, for weak motives, etc., which gives birth to a sick society. The investigations into the murder of the policeman in Fier have not yet yielded conclusive results. Among the tracks of the investigation is that of blood feud. Although it is very likely that this track will be ruled out, the feeling that will be created when it appears as a possibility is thrilling. This event cannot escape the political upheaval, one-sided and unprofessional evaluations, political speculations and tendencies to mislead the investigation. The trail of blood feud seems rather to be used to keep the investigation as far as possible from discovering the true cause of the event. This fog seems to be served by the assertions of a DP deputy, when he says that the policeman's killer is a good, honest man, a true democrat, from a family with democratic traditions, etc. Nothing about the victim and the motive of his murder! In justifying the crime, it seems that the MP openly defends the murderer and against the victim. To create the impression that he is with the canon of blood feud and not with the legal solutions of the conflict, with self-judgment and not with the institutional and civilized way in dealing with conflicts. And precisely the representative of the highest legislative power. The connections of this MP with the murderer are matters of justice and parliamentary instruments to prove them. But the tendency to find the cause of the event in revenge does not seem very convincing. When suspicions arise that the crime was committed for blood feud, you should at least know its customary codes. The infrastructure and the causal links of the interactive factors that have participated in completing the picture of crime hardly lead to blood feuds. The blood feud canon in the Middle Ages operated with strict rules. The decision of who would be killed by the party that had to donate blood was not made by the individual, but by the council of the family that had lost blood. Likewise,the killing party informed the blood donating party about the decision made as to which of the members of that family was designated to be killed. In fact, the case went even further, where the killer had a series of customary obligations to carry out the blood feud. The canon even determined how the victim would be killed; the weapon to be used (since not every weapon was allowed to be used in blood feuds), etc. Cold weapons were not accepted by the blood feud code. There was also determined the position of how the corpse would be left after the murder. The murderer was strictly forbidden to take revenge on the victim by raping his corpse. He, after committing the act of murder, had the canonical duty to announce the act committed, and to indicate the place where the victim was located. The murderer had to attend the mortuary lunch. Referring to one of the heroines of the tragedy in the Trojan War, Clytemnestra, the tragedy says that her sentence was increased, not because she killed her husband, Agamemnon, the commander-in-chief of the Achaean army, but because she, when she killed him, deliberately injured his body his lifeless. This was regarded as disloyalty and a great detriment to the discovery of the truth of the murder. In this way, the murder that Clytemnestra did to her husband deprived the corpse of the opportunity to communicate through messages with the code breakers, who actually played the role of the earthly and heavenly investigators. The victim's body had to be unmutilated, so that, through the blood, it would be revealed when the time for revenge would be. Let's go back to Fier. If the incident in Fieri was due to blood feud, then the investigation should first find out which family council had made the decision to murder, to whom the person was charged with the murder, who would support the crime and in which environment the event would take place. In the conditions of a democratic state, the above settings prompted by the blood feud canon would reveal and accuse a large number of people involved in the event. The crime that occurred is likely not for blood feud motives, but for even more shocking reasons. The Democratic Party should have been more interested in distancing itself from the crime and the criminal involved in this event, if, according to the deputy, "the killer was an ardent democrat". From the defense given to the perpetrator of the crime in this case, it seems as if it is required that the bill of the crime goes to the PD and not the murderer. It is hardly said by the deputy in question that the fiery, honest democrats with idealistic family traditions have the right to, in the name of these qualities, even blackmail and kill people, of course always in the name of the party. The connection between politics and crime during the governance of this political force has been typical and constant. Perhaps it was the best case that the high leadership of this party, although divided, should give the message that it is ready to fight crime in every cell of society and the state. But this did not happen in this event either. Even the crime, as always, was protected by her.The funniest thing was when the parties, which technically still bear the name democratic, these days had made the MP Luan Baçi the subject of discussion and criticism, calling him a renegade, a traitor, who goes from one party to another, but no criticism that he had received in defense a murder. The fact that, from the deputy's party, there was no statement to distance himself from the crime and to defend the law enforcement bodies, where he encouraged such moments of pain, is significant. This makes you think that the current Albanian opposition uses crime and murders, as before, as a means of war against the political opponent. The relations between crime and politics should first of all concern the Parliament of Albania. The case in question was not the only one to undertake a strong and institutional fight against political murders. In the Albanian political market, in the parliament and outside it, from MPs or from former presidents and prime ministers, from parliament chairmen or leaders of political parties, accusations of Macbethian crimes have been heard. Almost a decade ago, Sali Berisha denounced in the Albanian parliament that Meta "Hid two corpses in the Mountain with Pits". Likewise, Meta claimed that former President Berisha was accused of murder, that he would testify about the Hajdari case, etc. While Lulzim Basha, in the Parliament hall, is the potential accused of the murders of four demonstrators on "Dëshmorët e Kombit" Boulevard. Crimes have been reported in the Parliament hall, but they are not investigated. While outside this hall, crimes are actually committed, but surprisingly no cases have been discovered. Could this not be an inspiration and support for all kinds of crimes in Albania?that he would testify about the Hajdari case, etc. While Lulzim Basha, in the Parliament hall, is the potential accused of the murders of four demonstrators on "Dëshmorët e Kombit" Boulevard. Crimes have been reported in the Parliament hall, but they are not investigated. While outside this hall, crimes are actually committed, but surprisingly no cases have been discovered. Could this not be an inspiration and support for all kinds of crimes in Albania?that he would testify about the Hajdari case, etc. While Lulzim Basha, in the Parliament hall, is the potential accused of the murders of four demonstrators on "Dëshmorët e Kombit" Boulevard. Crimes have been reported in the Parliament hall, but they are not investigated. While outside this hall, crimes are actually committed, but surprisingly no cases have been discovered. Could this not be an inspiration and support for all kinds of crimes in Albania?